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On Thursday, the Fed revealed that all 23 of the US’s biggest banks passed its “stress tests”. The positive outcome implies that emergency measures adopted during the pandemic were successful in preserving banks’ health. As a result, restrictions on dividend…
Weekly Performance Update For the week ending Thu Jun 24, 2021 The Market Monitor displays the trailing 1-quarter performance of strategies based around the BCA Score. For each region, we construct an equal-weighted, monthly rebalanced portfolio consisting of the top 3 stocks per sector and compare it with the regional benchmark. For each portfolio, we show the weekly performance of individual holdings in the Top Contributors/Detractors table. In addition, the Top Prospects table shows the holdings that currently have the highest BCA Score within the portfolio. For more details, click the region headers below to be redirected to the full historical backtest for the strategy. BCA US Portfolio Total Weekly Return BCA US Portfolio S&P500 TRI 1.19% 1.08% Top Contributors TX:US SCCO:US DE:US UHAL:US TGT:US Weekly Return 28 bps 19 bps 19 bps 17 bps 12 bps Top Detractors MPLX:US HE:US PEG:US STX:US FLO:US Weekly Return -10 bps -10 bps -9 bps -8 bps -7 bps Top Prospects BRK.A:US ANAT:US ESGR:US TX:US MPLX:US BCA Score 98.55% 98.15% 97.91% 97.86% 93.55% BCA Canada Portfolio Total Weekly Return BCA Canada Portfolio S&P/TSX TRI 2.34% 0.38% Top Contributors TOY:CA AUP:CA CS:CA TOU:CA IFP:CA Weekly Return 43 bps 38 bps 36 bps 19 bps 16 bps Top Detractors EMP.A:CA TCL.A:CA CCA:CA QBR.A:CA ELF:CA Weekly Return -23 bps -7 bps -7 bps -5 bps -3 bps Top Prospects CS:CA IFP:CA RUS:CA CFP:CA LNF:CA BCA Score 99.28% 98.50% 98.21% 97.43% 97.22% BCA UK Portfolio Total Weekly Return BCA UK Portfolio FTSE 100 TRI 0.23% -0.53% Top Contributors ROSN:GB CVSG:GB KNOS:GB BIFF:GB NFC:GB Weekly Return 20 bps 14 bps 14 bps 14 bps 14 bps Top Detractors NLMK:GB DEC:GB BAKK:GB TEP:GB LXI:GB Weekly Return -19 bps -15 bps -15 bps -12 bps -11 bps Top Prospects SVST:GB NLMK:GB GLTR:GB BPCR:GB RMG:GB BCA Score 99.67% 98.62% 98.47% 95.23% 95.08% BCA Eurozone Portfolio Total Weekly Return BCA EMU Portfolio MSCI EMU TRI -0.86% -0.52% Top Contributors MMT:FR WUW:DE FSKRS:FI MS:IT UN01:DE Weekly Return 13 bps 13 bps 11 bps 10 bps 9 bps Top Detractors CNV:FR GTT:FR ADL:DE PHA:FR US:IT Weekly Return -53 bps -19 bps -16 bps -10 bps -8 bps Top Prospects STR:AT POST:AT CNV:FR SOLV:BE HLAG:DE BCA Score 99.42% 98.85% 98.74% 97.65% 96.86% BCA Japan Portfolio Total Weekly Return BCA Japan Portfolio TOPIX TRI -0.58% -0.84% Top Contributors 7860:JP 6676:JP 7958:JP 8117:JP 5930:JP Weekly Return 13 bps 12 bps 12 bps 9 bps 7 bps Top Detractors 9543:JP 8595:JP 7994:JP 3132:JP 8922:JP Weekly Return -17 bps -17 bps -13 bps -10 bps -8 bps Top Prospects 4966:JP 6345:JP 8133:JP 9543:JP 7994:JP BCA Score 99.33% 98.60% 98.49% 98.45% 98.11% BCA Hong Kong Portfolio Total Weekly Return BCA Hong Kong Portfolio Hang Seng TRI 0.47% 1.23% Top Contributors 990:HK 316:HK 1798:HK 857:HK 1258:HK Weekly Return 121 bps 36 bps 23 bps 21 bps 14 bps Top Detractors 3600:HK 1919:HK 43:HK 743:HK 323:HK Weekly Return -73 bps -28 bps -20 bps -18 bps -12 bps Top Prospects 990:HK 2232:HK 811:HK 1606:HK 323:HK BCA Score 99.11% 98.28% 97.72% 97.55% 97.08% BCA Australia Portfolio Total Weekly Return BCA Australia Portfolio S&P/ASX All Ord. TRI 1.52% -0.80% Top Contributors AGI:AU GRR:AU RUL:AU CAJ:AU PDN:AU Weekly Return 85 bps 18 bps 16 bps 13 bps 12 bps Top Detractors STX:AU AST:AU SDG:AU SGF:AU EVT:AU Weekly Return -27 bps -15 bps -15 bps -6 bps -6 bps Top Prospects PIC:AU GRR:AU AGI:AU SGF:AU BFG:AU BCA Score 98.36% 98.09% 97.54% 96.84% 96.80%
Highlights The US is withdrawing from the Middle East and South Asia and making a strategic pivot to Asia Pacific. The third quarter will see risks flare around Iran and the US rejoin the 2015 Iranian nuclear deal. The result is briefly negative for oil prices but the rise of Iran is a new geopolitical trend that will increase Middle Eastern risk over the long run. The geopolitical outlook is dollar bullish, while the macroeconomic outlook is getting less dollar-bearish due to China’s risk of over-tightening policy. Stay neutral USD and be wary of commodities and emerging markets in the third quarter. European political risk is bottoming. The German and French elections are at best minor risks. However, the continent is ripe for negative black swans, especially due to Russian aggression. Go tactically long global large caps and defensives. Feature Chart 1Three Key Views On Track (So Far) We chose “No Return To Normalcy” as the theme of our 2021 outlook. While the COVID-19 vaccine promised economic recovery, we argued that normalization would create complacency regarding fundamental changes that have taken place in the geopolitical environment. A contradiction between an improving macroeconomic backdrop and a foreboding geopolitical backdrop would develop in 2021 and beyond. The “reflation trade” has begun to lose steam as we go to press. However, global recovery will still be the dominant story in the second half of the year as vaccination spreads. The question for the third quarter and the rest of the year is whether reflation will continue. As a matter of forecasting, we think it will. But as a matter of investment strategy, we are taking a more defensive stance until China relaxes economic policy. In our annual outlook we highlighted three key geopolitical views: (1) China’s headwinds, both at home and abroad (2) US détente with Iran and pivot to Asia (3) Europe’s opportunity. All three trends are broadly on track and can be illustrated by looking at equity performance in the relevant regions for the year so far: Chinese stocks sold off, UAE stocks rallied, and European stocks rallied (Chart 1). However, these trends are not exclusively tied to absolute equity performance. The most important question is what happens to global growth and the US dollar as these three key views continue. Stay Neutral On The Dollar It paid off for us to maintain a neutral stance on the dollar. True, the global recovery and exorbitant US trade and budget deficits are bearish for the dollar and bullish for other currencies. But the greenback’s “counter-trend bounce” is proving more formidable than many investors expected. The fundamentals of the American economy and global position remain strong. Since the outbreak of COVID-19, the US has secured its recovery with fiscal policy, maintained rule of law amid a contested election, innovated and distributed vaccines, benefited from more flexible social restrictions, refurbished global alliances, and put pressure on its geopolitical rivals. In essence, the combined effect of President Trump’s and Biden’s policies has been to make America “great again” (Chart 2). From a geopolitical perspective, the dollar is appealing. Chart 2Trump-Biden Make America Great Again? In addition, the first two geopolitical views mentioned above – China’s headwinds and the US-Iran détente – imply a negative environment for China and the renminbi. The reason for the US to do a suboptimal deal with Iran, both in 2015 and 2021, is to reduce the risk of war and buy time to enable a strategic pivot to Asia Pacific. Three US presidents have been elected on the pledge to conclude the “forever wars” in the Middle East and South Asia. Biden is withdrawing US troops from Afghanistan in September. There can be little doubt Biden is committed to an Iran deal, which is supposed to free up the US’s hands (Chart 3). Meanwhile the US public and Congress are unified in their desire to better defend US interests against China’s economic and military rise. There has not yet been a stabilization of US-China policies. Biden is not likely to hold a summit with Chinese President Xi Jinping until late October at earliest – and that is a guess, not a confirmed summit. The Biden administration has completed its review of China policy and is maintaining the Trump administration’s hawkish posture, as predicted. The US and China may resume their strategic and economic dialogue at some point but it is impossible to go back to the status quo ante 2015. That was the year the US adopted a more confrontational stance toward China – a stance later supercharged by Trump’s election and trade tariffs. The hawkish consensus on China is one of the rare unifying factors in a deeply divided America. The Biden administration explicitly says the US-China relationship is now defined by “competition” instead of “engagement.”1 One exception to this neutral view on the dollar has been our decision to go long the Japanese yen and Swiss franc, which has not panned out so far. Our reasoning is that geopolitical risk will boost these currencies but otherwise the reduction of geopolitical risk will weigh on the dollar in the context of global growth recovery. So far geopolitical risk has remained subdued while the US dollar has outperformed. We are still sympathetic to these safe-haven currencies, however, as they are attractively valued as long as one expects geopolitical risks to materialize (Chart 4). Chart 3US Pivot To Asia Runs Through Iran Our third key view, that EU was the real winner of the US election last year, remains on track. This is marginally positive for the euro at the expense of the dollar. Given the above points, we favor an equal-weighted basket of the euro and the dollar relative to the renminbi (Chart 5). Chart 4Safe-Haven Currencies Attractive Chart 5Favor Euro And Dollar Over Renminbi The geopolitical outlook is dollar-bullish. The macroeconomic outlook is dollar-bearish, except that China’s economy looks to slow down. We expect China to ease policy in the second half of the year but it may come late. We remain neutral dollar in the third quarter. Wait For China To Relax Policy July 1 marks the centenary of the Communist Party of China. The main thing investors should know is that the Communist Party predates China’s capitalist phase by sixty years. The party adopted capitalism to improve the economy – it never sacrificed its political or foreign policy goals. This poses a major geopolitical problem today because the Communist Party’s consolidation of power across Greater China, symbolized by Beijing’s revocation of Hong Kong’s special status in 2019, has convinced the western democracies that China is no longer compatible with the liberal world order. China launched a 13.8% of GDP monetary-and-fiscal stimulus over 2018-20 due to the trade war and COVID-19 pandemic. So the economy is stable for the hundredth anniversary celebration. The centenary goals are largely accomplished: GDP is larger, poverty is nearly extinguished, although urban incomes are still lagging (Chart 6). General Secretary Xi Jinping will mark the occasion with a speech. The speech will contribute to his governing philosophy, Xi Jinping Thought, a synthesis of communist Mao Zedong Thought and the pro-capitalist “socialism with Chinese characteristics” pioneered by General Secretary Deng Xiaoping in the 1980s-90s. The effect is to reassert Communist Party and central government primacy after the long period of decentralization that enabled China’s rapid growth phase. It is also to endorse an inward economic turn after the four-decade export-manufacturing boom. The Xi administration’s re-centralization of policy has entailed mini-cycles of tightening and loosening control over the economy. The administration leans against the country’s tendency to gorge itself on debt and grow at any cost – until it must lean the other way for fear of triggering a destabilizing slowdown. For this reason Beijing tightened policy proactively last year, producing a sharp drop in money, credit, and fiscal expansion in 2021 that now threatens to undermine the global recovery. By our measures, any further tightening will result in undershooting the regime’s money and credit targets, i.e. overtightening, and hence threaten to drag on the global recovery (Chart 7). Chart 6China's Communist Party Centenary Goals Chart 7China Verges On Over-Tightening Policy Overtightening would be a policy mistake with potentially disastrous consequences. So the base case should be that the government will relax policy rather than undermine the post-COVID recovery. However, investors cannot be confident about the timing. The 2015 financial turmoil and renminbi devaluation occurred because policymakers reacted too slowly. One reason to believe policy will be eased is that after July 1 the government will turn its attention to the twentieth national party congress in 2022, the once-in-five-years rotation of the Central Committee and Politburo. The party congress begins at the local level at the beginning of next year and culminates in the fall of 2022 with the national rotation of top party leaders. Xi Jinping was originally slated to step down in 2022. So he needs to squash any last-minute push against him by opposing factions of the party. He may have himself named chairman of the Communist Party, like Mao before him. Most importantly he will put his stamp on the “seventh generation” of China’s leaders by promoting his followers into key positions. All of this suggests that the Xi administration cannot risk triggering a recession, even if its preferences remain hawkish on economic policy. Policy easing could come as early as the end of July. As a rule of thumb, we have noticed that the Politburo’s July meeting on economic policy is often an inflection point, as was the case in 2007, 2015, 2018, and 2020 (Table 1). Some observers claim the April Politburo meeting already signaled an easing in policy, although we do not see that. If July clearly signals relaxation, global investors will cheer and emerging market assets and commodities will rise. Table 1China’s Politburo Often Hits Inflection Point On Economic Policy In July Still we maintain a defensive posture going into the third quarter because we do not have a high level of confidence that policymakers will act preemptively. A market riot may precede and motivate the inflection point in policy. Also the negative impact of previous policy tightening will be felt in the third quarter. China plays and industrial metals are extremely vulnerable to further correction (Chart 8). Chart 8China Plays And Metals Vulnerable To Further Correction The earliest occasion for a Biden-Xi summit comes at the end of October, as mentioned. While US-China talks will occur at some level, relations will remain fundamentally unstable. While a Biden-Xi summit may improve the atmosphere and lead to a new round of strategic and economic dialogue, or Phase Two trade talks, the fact is that the US is seeking to contain China’s rise and China is seeking to break out of the strictures of the US-led world order. The global elite and mainstream media will put a lot of emphasis on the post-Trump return to diplomatic “normalcy” and summits. But this is to overemphasize style at the expense of substance. Note that the positive feelings of the Biden-Putin summit on June 16 fizzled in less than a week when Russia allegedly dropped bombs in the path of a British destroyer in the Black Sea. The US and UK were training Ukraine’s military. Britain denies any bombs were dropped but Russia says next time they will hit their target. (More on this below.) This episode is instructive for US-China relations: summitry is overrated. China is building a sphere of influence and the US no longer believes dialogue alone is the answer. Tit-for-tat punitive measures and proxy battles in China’s neighboring areas, from the Korean peninsula to the Taiwan Strait to the South and East China Seas, are the new normal. Bottom Line: Tactically, stay defensive on global risk assets, especially China plays. Strategically, maintain a constructive outlook on the cycle given the global recovery and China’s need eventually to relax monetary and fiscal policy. US-Iran Deal Likely – Then The Real Trouble Starts The US will likely rejoin the 2015 Iranian nuclear deal (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action) by August and pull out of its longest-ever war in Afghanistan in September. The US is wrapping up its “forever wars” to meet the demands of a war-weary public. Ironically, the long-term consequence is to create power vacuums that invite new geopolitical conflicts in the context of the US’s great power struggle with China and Russia. But for now a deal with Iran – once it is settled – reduces geopolitical risk by reducing the odds of military escalation in the region. The Iran talks are more significant than the Afghanistan pullout. We are confident in a deal because Biden can rejoin the 2015 deal unilaterally – it was never approved by the US Senate as a formal treaty. The Iranians will not support any militant action so aggressive as to scupper a deal that offers them the chance of reviving their economy at a critical time in the regime’s history. Reviving the deal poses a downside risk for oil prices in the third quarter though not over the long run. It is negative in the short run because investors will have to price not only Iran’s current and future production (Chart 9) but also any resulting loss of OPEC 2.0 discipline. Brent crude is trading at $76 per barrel as we go to press, above the $65-$70 per barrel average that our Commodity & Energy Strategy service expects to see over the coming five years (Chart 10). Chart 9Iran's Oil Production Will Return Chart 10Brent Price Faces Short-Term Downside Risk From Iranian Crude The oil price ceiling is enforced by the cartel of oil producers who fear that too high of prices will incentivize US shale oil production as well as the global shift to renewable energy. The Russians have always dragged their feet over oil production cuts and are now pushing for production hikes. The government needs an oil price of around $50-55 per barrel for the budget to break even. The Saudis need higher prices to break even, at $70-75 per barrel. Moscow must coordinate various oil producers, led by the country’s powerful oligarchs and their factions, which is inherently more difficult than the Saudi position of coordinating one producer, Aramco. The Russians and Saudis have maintained cartel discipline so far in 2021, as expected, because the wounds of the market-share war last year are still raw. They retreated from that showdown in less than a month. However, a major escalation in Saudi Arabia’s strategic conflict with Iran could push the Saudis to seek greater market share at Iran’s expense, as occurred before the original Iran deal in 2014-15. Hence our view that the risk to oil prices will shift from the upside to the downside in the second half of the year if the US-Iran deal is reconstituted. Over the long run, the deal is not negative for oil prices. The deal is a tradeoff for lower geopolitical risk today but higher risk in the future. The reason is that Iran’s economic recovery will strengthen its strategic hand and generate a backlash in the region. The global oil supply and demand balance will fluctuate according to circumstances but regional conflict will inject a risk premium over time. Biden’s likely decision to rejoin the 2015 deal should be seen as a delaying tactic. It is impossible to go back to 2015, when the US had mustered a coalition of nations to pressure Iran and when Iran’s “reformist” faction stood to receive a historic boost from the opening of the country’s economy. Now the US lacks a coalition and the reformists are leaving office in disgrace, with the hardliners (“principlists”) taking full power for the foreseeable future. Iran is happy to go back to complying with a deal that consists of sanctions relief in exchange for temporary limits on its nuclear program. The 2015 deal’s restrictions on Iran’s nuclear program begin expiring in 2023 and continue to expire through 2040. Biden has no chance of negotiating a newer and more expansive deal that extends these sunset clauses while also restricting Iran’s ballistic missile program and regional militant activities. He will say that easing sanctions is premised on a broader “follow on” deal to achieve these US goals. But the broader deal is unlikely to materialize anytime soon. The Iranians will commit to future talks but they will have no intention of agreeing to a more expansive deal unless forced. The country’s leaders will never abandon their nuclear program after witnessing the invasions of non-nuclear Libya and Ukraine – in stark contrast with nuclear-armed North Korea. Moreover Biden cannot possibly reassemble the P5+1 coalition with Russia and China anytime soon. The US is directly confronting these states. They could conceivably work with the US when Iran is on the brink of obtaining nuclear weapons but not before then. They did not prevent North Korea. The Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, the soon-to-be-inaugurated President Ebrahim Raisi, the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps, the Ministry of Intelligence, and other pillars of the regime are focused exclusively on strengthening the regime in advance of Khamenei’s impending succession sometime in the coming decade. The succession could easily lead to domestic unrest and a political crisis, which makes the 2020s a critical period for the Islamic Republic. With Tehran focused on a delicate succession, it is not a foregone conclusion that Iran will go on the offensive to expand its sphere of influence immediately after the US deal. But sooner or later a major new geopolitical trend will emerge: the rise of Iran. With sanctions removed, trade and investment increasing, and Chinese and Russian support, Iran will be capable of pursuing its strategic aims in the region more effectively. It will extend its influence across the “Shia Crescent,” including Iraq. The fear that this will inspire in Israel and the Gulf Arab states has already generated a slow-boiling war in the region. This war will intensify as the US will be reluctant to intervene. The purpose of the deal is to enable the war-weary US to reduce its active involvement in the region. The US foreign policy and defense establishment do not entirely see it this way – they emphasize that the US will remain engaged. But US allies in the Middle East will not be convinced. The region already has a taste for the way this works after the US’s precipitous withdrawal from Iraq in 2011, which lead to the rise of the Islamic State terrorist group. Biden will try not to be so precipitous but the writing is on the wall: the US will reduce its focus and commitment. A scramble for power in the region will begin the moment the ink dries on Biden’s signature of the JCPA. Israel and the Arab states are forming a de facto alliance – based on last year’s Abraham Accords – to prepare for Iran’s push to dominate the region. Even if Iran is not overly aggressive (a big if), Israel and the Gulf Arabs will overreact as a result of their fear of abandonment. They will also seek to hedge their bets by improving ties with the Chinese and Russians, making the Middle East the scene of a major new proxy battle in the global great power struggle. As a risk to our view: if the Biden administration changes course this summer and refuses to lift sanctions or rejoin the Iran deal – low but not zero probability – then tensions with Iran will explode almost instantaneously. The Iranians will threaten to close the Strait of Hormuz and a crisis will erupt in the third or fourth quarter. Bottom Line: The US will most likely rejoin the Iranian nuclear deal by August to avoid an immediate crisis or war. The Biden administration will wager that it can lend enough support to regional allies to keep Iran contained. This might work, as the Iranians will focus on fortifying the regime ahead of its leadership succession. However, Iran’s hardline leadership will see an opportunity in America’s withdrawal from its “forever wars.” Iran will increasingly cooperate with Russia and China. Iran’s conflict with Israel and Saudi Arabia will be extremely difficult to manage and will escalate over time, quite possibly creating a revolution or war in Iraq. The Gulf Arabs are already under immense pressure from the green energy revolution. Thus while oil prices might temporarily fall on the return of Iranian exports, they will later see upward pressure from a new wave of Middle Eastern instability. European Political Risk Has (Probably) Bottomed By contrast with all the above we have viewed Europe as a negligible source of (geo)political risk in 2021. European policy uncertainty is falling in Europe relative to these other powers and the rest of the world (Chart 11). Chart 11Europe's Relative Policy Uncertainty Bottoming Chart 12EU Break-Up Risk Hits Floor (Again) The risk of a break-up of the European Union has wilted and remains at historic lows (Chart 12). There is no immediate threat of any European countries emulating the UK and attempting to exit. Even Italian support for the euro has surged. Immigration flows have plummeted. European solidarity is not on the ballot in the upcoming German and French elections. Germany is choosing between the status quo and a “green revolution” that would not really be a revolution due to the constraints of coalition politics. The Greens have lost some momentum relative to their polling earlier this year but underlying trends suggest they will surprise to the upside in the September 26 vote (Charts 13A and 13B). They embrace EU solidarity, robust government spending, weariness with the Merkel regime, and concerns about climate change, Russia, China, and social justice. Chart 13AGerman Greens Will Surprise To Upside Chart 13BGerman Greens Will Surprise To Upside We expect the Greens to surprise to the upside. But as they are forced into a coalition with the ruling Christian Democrats then they will be limited to raising spending rather raising taxes (Table 2). The market will cheer this result. Table 2German Greens’ Ambitious Tax Hike Proposals If the Greens disappoint then a right-leaning government and too early fiscal tightening could become a risk – but it is a minor risk because Merkel’s hand-picked successor, the CDU Chancellor Candidate Armin Laschet, will be pro-Europe and fiscally dovish, just like the mainstream of his party under Merkel. The only limitation on this dovishness is that it would take another global shock for there to be enough votes in the Bundestag to loosen the schuldenbremse or “debt brake.” In France, President Emmanuel Macron is likely to win re-election – the populist candidate Marine Le Pen remains an underdog who is unlikely to make it through France’s two-round electoral system. In Italy, Prime Minister Mario Draghi is overseeing a national unity coalition that will dole out EU recovery funds. An election cannot be held ahead of the presidential election in January, which will be secured by the establishment parties as a major check on any future populist ruling coalition. The risk in these countries, as in Spain and elsewhere, is that neoliberal structural reform and competitiveness are falling by the wayside. Fiscal largesse is positive for securing the recovery but long-term growth potential will remain depressed (Chart 14). Chart 14European And Global Fiscal Stimulus (Updated June 2021) Europe remains stuck in a liquidity trap over the long run. It depends on the rest of the world for growth. This is a problem given that China’s potential growth is slowing and there is no ready substitute that will prop up global growth. Europe is increasingly ripe for negative “black swan” events. The power vacuum in the Middle East described above will lead to instability and regime failures that will threaten European security. Russia will remain aggressive, a reflection of its crumbling structural foundations. The Putin administration has not changed its strategy of building a sphere of influence in the former Soviet Union and pushing back against the West, as signaled by the threat to bomb ships that sail in Crimean waters – a unilateral expansion of Russia’s territorial waters following the Crimean invasion. The Biden administration is not seeking anything comparable to the diplomatic “reset” with Russia from 2009-11, which ended in acrimony. In other words, European political risk may be bottoming as we speak. Investment Takeaways Chart 15Limited Equity Upside From Likely US Infrastructure Bill US Peak Fiscal Stimulus: The Biden administration is highly likely to pass an infrastructure package through Congress, either as a bipartisan deal with Republicans or as part of the American Jobs Plan. The result is another $1-$1.5 trillion fiscal stimulus, albeit over an eight-year period, with infrastructure funding taking until 2024-25 to ramp up. Biden’s other plans probably will not pass before the 2022 midterm election, which will likely bring gridlock. Investors are well aware of these proposals and the policy setting will probably be frozen after this year. Hence there is limited remaining upside for global materials sector and US infrastructure plays (Chart 15). The extravagant US fiscal thrust of 2020-21 will turn into a huge fiscal drag in 2022 (Chart 16). The Federal Reserve, however, will remain ultra-dovish as long as labor market slack persists – regardless of who is at the helm. Chart 16US Fiscal Drag Very Large In 2022 Chart 17Go Long Large Caps And Defensives China’s Headwinds Persist: China may or may not ease policy in time to prevent a market riot. China plays and industrial metals are highly exposed to a correction and we recommend steering clear. US-Iran Deal Weighs On Oil Price: Tactically we are neutral on oil and oil plays. An Iran deal could depress oil prices temporarily – and potentially in a major way if the Saudis agree with the Russians on increasing production. Fundamentals are positive but depend on the OPEC 2.0 cartel. The cartel faces the risk that higher prices will incentivize both alternative oil providers and the green revolution. Europe’s Opportunity: We continue to see the euro and European stocks offering value. Given the troubles with Russia we favor developed Europe plays over emerging Europe. The German election would be a bullish catalyst for European assets but headwinds from China will prevail, which is negative for cyclical European stocks. The Russian Duma election, also in September, creates high potential for Russia to clash with the West between now and then. Tactically, go long global large caps and defensives (Chart 17). Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Independent Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders recently felt it was necessary to warn against a second cold war. Sanders, a democratic socialist, is a reliable indicator of the left wing of the Democratic Party and a dissenter who puts pressure on the center-left Biden administration. His fears underscore the dominance of the new hawkish consensus. Appendix China Russia UK Germany France Italy Canada Spain Taiwan – Province Of China Korea Turkey Brazil Australia
The S&P 500 raced through the seasonally strong spring months rising by more than 10% from early March. Now, there is the chance that the US equity market will find it difficult grinding higher if the proverbial “sell in May and go away” attitude kicks in. As a reminder, we also recently rotated into quality growth names and took down some of the high-octane cyclical sectors such as the S&P steel index. Both of these moves should protect our portfolio if volatility comes back this summer. Bottom Line: If history is any guide, we expect market to be range bound throughout the summer.
Last week our Global Fixed Income strategists published an update of their BCA Central Bank Monitor Chartbook. The monitors for all major central banks are surging, indicating that policymakers face a need to tighten policy amid strong economic growth,…
Highlights The Indian rupee is about 7% cheaper than its fair value versus the US dollar. Expanding capital expenditures will boost India’s productivity and raise returns on capital. That will attract higher capital inflows, propelling the rupee. India also has a better inflation outlook compared to the US because of the government’s prudent fiscal policy and muted wage pressures. Foreign bond investors should stay overweight India in an EM local currency bond portfolio. Equity investors should upgrade India from neutral to overweight in view of receding pandemic-related disruptions. Feature The outlook for the Indian rupee over the medium term (six months to three years) is positive. In this report we will identify the two primary drivers of the rupee/US dollar exchange rate over this time horizon. The first is the relative purchasing power in the two economies. The second is return on capital; more specifically, relative return on capital in the two countries. Both indicate that the rupee will likely benefit from a tailwind over the next few years. The robust currency outlook also supports our bullish view on Indian local currency bonds versus their EM peers and US Treasuries. In this report, we will explain how this context, and the Indian market’s own idiosyncrasies, warrants favoring Indian bonds in a global fixed-income portfolio. Finally, we are upgrading Indian stocks back to overweight in an EM equity portfolio. Relative Purchasing Power Chart 1The Indian Rupee Is Below Its Fair Value The concept of “purchasing power parity (PPP)” theorizes that the currency of an economy with higher inflation will adjust lower (i.e., depreciate) relative to the currency of an economy that has lower inflation. The upshot is that the relative inflation dynamics of the two countries could provide insight into their exchange rate outlook. The top panel of Chart 1 shows that the rupee is currently cheap when measured against what would be its “fair value”. The latter has been derived from a regression analysis between the manufacturers’ relative producer prices of the two countries and the exchange rate. Notably, a deviation from the fair value has also been a good predictor of where the nominal exchange rate will head in the years to come. Whenever the rupee appeared cheap relative to its fair value, it tended to appreciate over the next few years. The opposite has also been true. The current deviation from the fair value implies that the rupee could appreciate by 7% in the coming years (Chart 1, bottom panel). A deeper look into the inflation dynamics reveals that almost all significant directional moves in the rupee-dollar exchange rate over the past 25 years can be explained by movements in the relative inflation differential between the two economies. The rupee typically depreciates versus the dollar when Indian inflation is rising relative to that of the US; and appreciates when the relative inflation is falling. The only times they briefly diverged were during or in the immediate aftermath of a crisis, such as the global financial crisis or the COVID-19 pandemic. However, they were quick to return to their long-term correlations. Relative Inflation Outlook Going forward, the relative inflation outlook favors the rupee. This is because the fiscal and monetary policies in India will likely be tighter in India than in the US for the foreseeable future. Incidentally, India’s core inflation has fallen significantly relative to that of the US in the past decade (Chart 2). India’s inflation is driven mainly by two factors. The first is food prices; more specifically, the “minimum support price” that the Indian government pays to the farmers to procure food grains. Since the government is by far the single largest purchaser, the price it pays usually sets the floor in the market. The ebbs and flows of this procurement price have had a telling impact on the country’s inflation over the past few decades (Chart 3, top panel). Chart 2India's Inflation Has Fallen Significantly In The Past Decade Chart 3Notwithstanding The Temporary Pandemic-Era Surge In Fiscal Spending … In recent years, however, the authorities have been careful and did not hike the procurement prices over much. That has helped to keep headline CPI in check. Further, the government legislated new farm laws last year, which will usher in private capital in the agriculture sector. This will help improve farm productivity and keep food prices under control1 in the future. Chart 4...Fiscal Policy Has Been Very Prudent Since The GFC The other driver of Indian inflation is fiscal expenditure. The rise and fall in government spending leads core inflation by about a year (Chart 3, bottom panel). Notably, even though fiscal spending has swelled over the past year to provide relief to a pandemic-stricken economy, this one-off surge is offset by collapse in output and demand. Besides, the odds are high that the government will revert to a tighter stance as soon as the pandemic is brought under control. Indeed, such a fiscal splurge represents a departure rather than a fixture in India’s fiscal policy. Ever since the global financial crisis, successive Indian governments adopted a rather prudent fiscal stance. Chart 4 shows that fiscal spending steadily declined from 17% of GDP in 2009 to 12% by 2019. The conservative stance was implemented by both the previous UPA government and the current NDA government which came to power in 2014. Such a stance not only helped to substantially reduce the country’s fiscal and primary deficits but was also instrumental to the steady decline in inflationary pressures. The wage pressures in the economy are also rather muted. In rural areas, both farm and non-farm wages have been growing at a slow pace and have often remained below consumer inflation for the past six years (Chart 5, top panel). A similar picture is seen in the central banks’ (RBI) industrial outlook surveys. The assessment for salary and remuneration shows a subdued outlook; in fact, the indicator is below zero (Chart 5, bottom panel). This implies that wage pressures in the industrial sector have also been very low since 2017. Going forward, as tens of millions of young people continue to join the work force every year, the broader picture is unlikely to change. Overall, subdued wage pressures will also keep a tab on general inflation in the economy. Relative Return On Capital The other important driver of the rupee versus the dollar over the medium term is the direction of Indian companies’ return on capital relative to those of the US. When the return on capital rises, especially relative to that of the US, foreign capital flows into India in search of higher profits. Those capital inflows help boost the rupee. Chart 6 shows that over the past 25 years the rupee strengthened versus the dollar during those periods when return on assets of Indian non-financial corporates rose. The rupee depreciated when this ratio dropped. Chart 5Inflation Outlook Remains Sanguine As Wage Pressures Are Muted Chart 6Rupee Strengthens When Relative Return On Capital In India Rises... The same holds true when Indian firms’ return on assets are compared relative to those of the US. All major moves in rupee strength and weakness largely coincided with the relative rise and fall in return on assets (Chart 6, bottom panel). Chart 7...As Foreign Capital Inflows Into India Boosts The Rupee Thus, relative profitability clearly has a major influence on the exchange rate. And as alluded to earlier, the link is via capital inflows. The ebbs and flows of capital into India have a very explicit impact on the rupee (Chart 7). Going forward, a pertinent question is in which way will India’s return on capital be headed. Our bias is that, beyond the pandemic-related disruptions, it is heading higher over the medium term. We have the following observations: A sustainable rise in return on capital is highly contingent on productivity gains. And the latter depends on capital investment in new plants, machinery, technology, as well as on infrastructure. Thus, a meaningful and sustained rise in capital expenditures could be a harbinger of higher returns in the future. Firms, on their part, would engage in new capital expenditures once they are sanguine of future demand as well as profits. Notably, both gross and net profits of India’s non-financial sector have rebounded rather strongly. Capital expenditure has recovered in tandem (Chart 8). The latter indicates that companies do not consider profit recovery a fluke and are confident demand will remain upbeat. Corroborating the above, imports of capital goods have skyrocketed. This is also a precursor to higher capex down the road (Chart 9). Chart 8Rebounding Profits Have Encouraged Firms To Resume Capex... Chart 9...As Evidenced In Accelerating Capital Goods Imports Chart 10Capital Goods Imports Have Been Rising For The Past Several Years Markedly, India’s import profile has been encouraging in recent years. The share of capital goods in total imports and non-oil imports have been rising (Chart 10). This indicates that firms have not been averse to capital expenditure. This also shows that unlike in some other EM countries, imported consumer goods did not overwhelm India’s capital goods imports. The last time India saw a surge in capital goods imports was in the 2000s, a period when the country’s capex and profits also surged. That period coincided with a multi-year bull run in the rupee and stocks. The early 2010s, on the other hand, saw a deceleration in capex and capital goods imports – and was followed by a period of sub-par return on capital. Now, the tides are turning again. Finally, the quality of capital inflows has also improved over the past decade. India has been receiving ever higher amounts of FDI compared to portfolio inflows (Chart 11). The former is a much more efficient form of capital and are also more likely to boost capital expenditures enhancing productivity in the economy. Incidentally, India’s real gross fixed capital formation has hovered between 30% and 35% of GDP since 2008 – easily the highest rate globally, save China (Chart 12). Hence, if a new capex cycle ensues, which seems likely, it will happen over and above the base built over the past decades. That should help drive labor productivity and profits up by a notch. Chart 11...Along With Steady Growth In FDI Chart 12A New Capex Cycle On Top Of The Previous Base Will Boost Productivity All in all, odds are that Indian productivity will improve going forward, which in turn will boost firms’ profitability metrics. That should help propel the rupee. Bond Bullish The combination of a stable currency, prudent fiscal policy, and a benign inflation outlook make Indian bonds highly desirable to foreign investors. Notably, thanks to some systemic factors, Indian bonds are not as sensitive to bouts of fiscal profligacy and/or inflation in India: Over the past 20 years or so, ten-year bond yields hovered in a rather narrow band of 6%- 9%. A crucial reason for that stability is very limited foreign holdings: only about 2% of Indian government bonds are held by foreign investors. This has reduced yield volatility substantially. In many EM countries, where foreign holdings are much higher, a negative growth shock usually leads to both rising bond yields and a depreciating currency – which perpetuate each other – as foreign investors head for the exit. In the case of India, a negative shock is tempered by falling bond yields, as domestic investors switch from riskier assets to government bonds. Not only are the foreign holdings in India too small to push up yields but the falling yields also encourage them to stay invested. That explains why bond yields in India fell during each of the crises: in 2008-09, 2014-15 and more recently in 2020. A second reason is the existence of captive domestic bond investors: commercial banks. As per the Reserve Bank of India mandate, all banks in India are obligated to hold a certain percentage (currently 18%) of their total deposits in government securities (called Statutory Liquidity Ratio, or SLR). These mandatory holdings have also helped reduce yield volatility. The impact of the above factors can often be seen at play. For one, a surge in India’s fiscal expenditure does not necessarily cause a spike in bond yields. This is because, devoid of any fear of dumping by foreign bond holders, India can and does ramp up government spending when growth is very weak. Those are the times when domestic investors shed riskier assets and move to the safety of government bonds. Hence, we see accelerating fiscal spending coinciding with low and falling bond yields, unlike in many other EM countries (Chart 13, top panel). For a similar reason, a surge in India’s fiscal deficit does not necessarily cause a spike in bond yields either. If anything, widening budget deficits usually coincide with falling bond yields; and shrinking deficits with rising bond yields (Chart 13, bottom panel). The explanation for this apparent anomaly is as follows: periods of stronger growth bring in more fiscal revenues and thus reduce the deficit. But strong growth and rising inflationary pressures also lead to higher interest rate expectations reflected in higher bond yields. The opposite happens when growth slows. Even though fiscal deficit goes up as revenues drop, decelerating inflationary pressures pave the way for lower bond yields. A pertinent question here is, given the idiosyncrasies of Indian bond markets, what then drives Indian bond yields? The simple answer is the business cycle. This is why rising bond yields coincide with stronger bank credit growth and falling yields with weaker credit growth (Chart 14). Chart 13A Surge In Fiscal Spending Or Deficits Doesn't Mean A Spike In Bond Yields Chart 14The Business Cycle Is The Ultimate Driver Of Indian Bond Yields What is also notable is that the impact of any spike in consumer and/or producer price inflation on bond yields is not very pronounced (Chart 14, bottom panel). A crucial reason for that is again the SLR. Because of it, regardless of commercial banks’ own inflation expectations, they cannot dump government bonds. That puts a cap on bond yields even when inflation is rising. Besides, a rise in inflation usually coincides with accelerating bank credit and bank deposits. The latter causes higher demand for government bonds from banks (to maintain SLR). That in turn helps keep the bond yield lower than it otherwise would be. Chart 15The Spike In Public Debt Is Temporary, And Bond Investors Are Not Worried Bottom Line: The absence of foreign investors, the presence of large captive domestic investors and a long-held orthodox fiscal stance have turned the Indian bond market into a different ball game than many other EM local currency bond markets. One takeaway from this idiosyncrasy is that the current steep, but temporary, fiscal deficit should not be a matter of concern for bond investors. For a similar reason, the recent rise in the public debt-to-GDP ratio should have little impact on bond yields (Chart 15). Finally, a moderate rise in inflation is also unlikely to cause Indian bond yields to soar. Investment Conclusions The medium-term outlook for the Indian rupee is positive. It is also quite competitive, especially when compared to the currencies of India’s major competitors vying for multinationals to establish their manufacturing capacity (Chart 16). This means the rupee has some room for nominal appreciation without hurting its competitiveness. Chart 16The Indian Rupee is Quite Competitive This emphasizes our view that investors should continue to overweight India in an EM fixed-income portfolio. While strong growth and higher US bond yields can drive up Indian government bond yields, the former will also push up the rupee – as detailed in a previous section. The currency returns will offset any possible capital loss owing to rising yields, while a positive carry will boost total returns. Notably, because of the latter, a similar rise in yields (say, 100 basis points) in India and US bonds will have a much less negative impact on total return terms for Indian bonds than in the case of US Treasurys. The long end of the Indian yield curve offers value: the 10-year bond yield is 200 basis points above the policy rate. The spread of India’s 5-year bond over that of the US is an impressive 550 basis points (Chart 17, top panel). Given the sanguine rupee outlook, odds are that Indian government bonds will continue to outpace US treasuries in total return terms – even when Indian growth accelerates and inflation rises modestly (Chart 18). Chart 17Indian Bonds Offer Value Relative To US And EM Counterparts Chart 18Higher Carry And A Stronger Currency Will Lead To Total Return OutperformanceWhen compared to the same-duration JP Morgan GBI-EM bond index, India offers a spread of 100 basis points. India has steadily outperformed that index in US dollar total return terms over the past several years (Chart 17, bottom panel). That is unlikely to change in future, thanks to the high carry and a relatively more stable currency. As such, investors should stay on with our recommendation of overweighting India in an EM local currency bond portfolio (Chart 18). Chart 19Go Overweight Indian Stocks In An EM Equity Portfolio Several factors that make the outlook for the rupee positive also argue for a positive outlook for Indian stocks. Like most other EM currencies, the rupee is pro-cyclical, and it tends to move with Indian share prices. Notably, Indian stocks have broken out of their previous highs (Chart 19). On a separate note, as the number of daily COVID-19 cases in the country have subsided, so have the chances of debilitating lockdowns. As such, economic activity is slated to gather steam. We had tactically downgraded India from overweight to neutral in an EM equity portfolio on April 22 in view of skyrocketing COVID-19 cases and deaths back then. Even though the pandemic situation had deteriorated considerably after our downgrade, share prices have staged a nice rebound to our surprise. It’s time to upgrade this bourse back to overweight (Chart 19, bottom panel). Investors should also stick with our sectoral recommendation of long Indian Banks and short EM banks. As we elaborated in our report on Indian banks, a recovery in the business and capex cycles would be very positive for Indian private sector banks (that make up 90% of the MSCI India Banks index) – given that they have aggressively cleansed their balance sheets of NPLs and have thereby already taken the hit in their earnings. Fixed-income investors should close the trade of receiving 10-year swap rates in India. We had recommended it along with other EM local rates back in April 2020 as a play on lower interest rates in EM. India’s 10-year swap rates have risen by 166 basis points since then. Rajeeb Pramanik Senior EM Strategist rajeeb.pramanik@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 For more details see our report India’s Reform Drive: How Momentous (Part 1) dated 19 November 2020.
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